Emergence of Israel in the Land of Canaan
Recent archaeological work in Israel demonstrates clearly that the emergence of Israel in the land of Canaan occurred only in the mid-twelfth century BCE. [1] and this would suggest that the Israelites did not leave Egypt until early in the twelfth century. Genealogical material in the Bible supports that date. The lineage of David (Ruth 4: 18-22, 1 Chrronicles 2: 5-15) informs us that he had a great-great-great-grandfather named Nahshon, and this individual in turn is mentioned in the Torah in two contexts: as the brother-in-law of Aaron (Exodus 6: 23) and as the prince of Judah during the wandering period (Numbers 1: 7). Using 30 years as the average generation[2] , and dating David to c. 1000 BCE, we arrive at a date of c. 1150 BCE for Nahshon.
A crucial passage in this discussion is Exodus 13: 17: “God did not lead them the way of the land of the Philistines though it was near, for God said, ‘Lest the people change their minds when they see the fighting and then return to Egypt’.” The mention of the Philistines here is often thought to be an anachronism, but such need not be the case. Rather, the reference to Philistines, war, and the coastal route suggests that the Israelites left Egypt when the Philistines were attacking the Egyptians along the coast as part of the major Sea Peoples assault during the reign of Rameses III (1182–1250), specifically c. 1175 BCE. The records of this Pharaoh, both textual and pictorial, demonstrate clearly to what extent Egypt was involved in defending itself against this invasion.[3] This would have been a propitious time for the Israelites to leave Egypt
Another biblical passage that supports this reconstruction of history is Joshua 13: 2, where the districts of the Philistines are reckoned among “the great amount of land remaining to be taken” . This passage too is often seen as anachronistic, but we prefer to take the evidence at face value. The Philistines and their Sea Peoples allies were repelled by the Egyptians and made their way to the coast of Canaan c. 1175 BCE. Thus they were settled there before the Israelites arrived in the land, which, again based on the archaeological work, points to a time several decades or perhaps a half century later.
The evidence thus points to an Israelite exodus from Egypt during the reign of Rameses III. It is this chronological argument that suggests the above interpretation of the Merneptah Stele: during the reign of Merneptah the Israelites were still slaves in Egypt.
Of some interest is another Egyptian document, Papyrus Anastasi V 19: 2-20: 6 from the reign of Seti II (1205–1200). This text includes the report of another frontier official, also stationed at Tjeku. After the typical formalities at the beginning of the letter, we read as follows: [4]
Another matter, to wit: I was sent forth from the broad halls of the palace, life, prosperity, health, in the 3rd month of the 3rd season, day 9, at evening time, following after two slaves. Now when I reached the wall of Tjeku on the 3rd month of the 3rd season, day 10, they told me that to the south they were saying that they [i.e. the slaves] had passed by on the 3rd month
of the 3rd season, day 10. When I reached the fortress, they told me that the scout (?) had come from the desert stating that they had passed the walled place north of Migdol of Seti Merneptah, life, prosperity, health, beloved like Seth. When my letter reaches you, write to me about all that has happened to them. Who found their tracks? Which watch found their tracks? What people are after them? Write to me about all that has happened to them and how many people you sent out after them.
Once more there are parallels between an Egyptian document and the biblical account. Regardless of the manner in which the Torah presents Israel’s history, it is noteworthy that the account includes an Egyptian force sent to pursue escaped slaves (Exod14: 5-9). The above document informs us that this was perfectly natural, in fact, when even only two slaves escaped. Moreover, the route of the two escaped slaves is significant. The two sites mentioned are Tjeku and Migdol. Though some scholars are still skeptical, there is no objection to equating Tjeku with biblical Sukkot, [5] the very site mentioned as the Israelites’ point of departure (Exodus 12: 37; 13: 20). Migdol, meanwhile, is also mentioned in the biblical account (Exodus 14: 2). One gains the impression that the Israelites were utilizing a route well traveled by escaping slaves, a type of “underground railway.” [6]

About the trek through the desert we can say little. The Torah remains our sole source for this period of Israel’s history. But the general picture is reliable. The Israelites wander from place to place with their flocks, they engage in some seasonal agriculture, they have dealings with other peoples of the desert or desert fringe, they construct a portable tent shrine typical of desert folk, they eat manna (a substance still utilized by the Bedouin today), and so on. Eventually, this group of semi-nomads reaches the sown, first the less arable land east of the Jordan River, and then eventually the more arable land west of the Jordan. The biblical account, found mainly in the Book of Joshua, describes the emergence of Israel in Canaan as a military conquest. Archaeological work belies this view, however, and instead points to a different approach, what scholars call the peaceful settlement or peaceful infiltration model. [7]
According to this view, as the archaeological surveys in Israel have shown, most of the central hill country which the Israelites occupied was open terrain, very sparsely settled before the arrival of the Israelites. The Israelites simply moved in from the desert and established themselves in the region. Again, as remarked earlier, this is a pattern known throughout history, even in the recent past, as Bedouin groups exchange their nomadic ways for a sedentary life-style (never, however, losing sight of their Bedouin origins, as is the case with many Bedouin groups in regions such as the Galilee today).
NOTES:
[1] See most importantly Finkelstein (1988).
[2] For this figure, see Rendsburg (1992) 522-24. On the reliability of the biblical genealogies, see Rendsburg (1990a).
[3] See Edgerton and Wilson (1936) 35-58.
[4] For the text, see Gardiner (1937) 66-67. For translations and comments, see Caminos (1954) 254-58, and ANET 259.
[5] See Redford (1992) 203 for the equation.
[6] We owe this point to Manuel Gold of the Bureau of Jewish Education in New York City.
[7] See Finkelstein (1988).
